Saturday, March 11, 2023

Georgists Should Study Post-Sraffian Economics

1.0 Introduction

Here are some attempts to step back, but not very far, from some of the details in my numeric examples.

2.0 Henry George and Piero Sraffa

Henry George's book Progress and Poverty misrepresents classical political economy. I cannot justify this claim, since I read George's book more than a decade ago. But George and his followers are absolutely correct on a couple of points.

Marginalism developed by extending the theory of intensive rent, as in David Ricardo's Principles for example, to capital. This mistake results in the conflation of capital and land. And the acceptance of this mistaken approach was politically motivated to cover over the conflict between classes evident in classical political economy. It was an attempt to ignore the social question.

Henry George was also correct in thinking economists give good reason to tax rent on unimproved land. I think Quesnay and Ricardo each provide evidence that George was correctly understanding this aspect of classical political economy.

Piero Sraffa generalized interesting properites of land to the distinction between basic and non-basic goods. As I recall, he suggests a definition of non-basic goods, in the case of joint production, as those goods whose price of production is changed by a tax but in which that change has no wider impact on the prices of all goods.

I think a study comparing some aspects of the economics of George and and Sraffa might be a good research prospect for others.

3.0 Marginalism as an Illegimate Generalization of Ricardo's Theory of Intensive Rent

Part of the point of my numeric examples is demonstrating that marginalisms attempt to treat capital and land by the same theory fails. Capital (goods?) cannot coherently be considered as a given quantity to be allocated among alternative uses. Jevons, Menger, Walras and their fellow marginalists were mistaken.

The marginalists also had a utility theory of consumer demand. Amazingly, the human psyche and production follow the same laws.

I have thought, not very hard, about how appending demand functions for consumer goods might impact my exposition of numeric examples of rent theory. An additional fluke case would arise. This edge case would be between a case where a certain type of land is partially farmed and pays no rent and a case where this type of land is fully farmed and pays a rent. In the edge case, this type of land needs to be fully farmed to meet requirements for use. Rent on this type of land can range from zero to the rent it would pay if net output were increased by an infinitetesimal amount. In the edge case, prices of production are indeterminate. I guess payments to factors of production are still not rewards to physical contributions to production.

4.0 Fixed Capital and Extensive Rent

Models of single production (circulating capital) have some nice propeties that do not hold in general joint production. Given the rate of profits, prices of production are uniquely defined. Given a higher rate of profits, the wage is lower.

These properties hold in models of pure fixed capital and in models of extensive rent. I suspect they do hold in a model that combines fixed capital and extensive rent.

One might consider a model in which an industrial good, a tractor, is produced in a process that does not use land. It can be run for several years in processes that produce agricultural goods on different types of land. The analysis of the choice of technique would consider the economic life of the tractor, as well as which lands are fully or partially farmed. It seems to me this model would have at least some of the properties of the theory of intensive rent.

5 comments:

  1. If you consider a combination of both fixed capital and extensive rent I would like to suggest that the recent trend on AI makes more feasible taking in consideration machines whose efficiency rises with the flow of time (they are trained at each round). It could be an appendix.

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  2. «Marginalism developed by extending the theory of intensive rent, as in David Ricardo's Principles for example, to capital. This mistake results in the conflation of capital and land. And the acceptance of this mistaken approach was politically motivated to cover over the conflict between classes evident in classical political economy.»

    Mason Gaffney, a georgist marginalist, points out that marginalism before J.B. Clark did not separate "land" and "capital".

    Also reading Mason Gaffney my understanding is exactly the other way round: the desire to “cover over the conflict between classes” was the political motivation for the "conflation of capital and land” which required “extending the theory of intensive rent [...] to capital”.

    "Neo-classical Economics as a Stratagem Against Henry George"
    https://masongaffney.org/publications/K1Neo-classical_Stratagem.CV.pdf

    https://masongaffney.org/publications/K2008_Keeping_Land_in_Capital_Theory.pdf
    https://masongaffney.org/publications/K9-StabileHGInfluenceonJBClarkMGComments.CV.pdf

    As I recall, he suggests a definition of non-basic goods, in the case of joint production, as those goods whose price of production is changed by a tax but in which that change has no wider impact on the prices of all goods.»

    I don't remember this, but it seems backwards to me.

    «The marginalists also had a utility theory of consumer demand. Amazingly, the human psyche and production follow the same laws.»

    That seems to me a bit shallow: classical economists trying to figure out "value" wanted a theory of production which required to solve the difficult problem of cost accounting (which is what Sraffa does even if in trivial cases), the latter day marginalists decided to skip the theory of production and assume that assuming trading in the presence of "tatonnement" made that "unnecessary".

    «Models of single production (circulating capital) have some nice propeties that do not hold in general joint production.»

    Cost accounting is particularly difficult in cases of joint production, and even more so in cases of multiperiod production. These aspects introduce time and thus reswitching, because they imply in the general case multiple local maxima in the optimization landscape, and even worse in realistic cases they require path dependency.

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  3. BTW as to JB Clark and his "theory of capital" I had posted some time ago on this blog a comment with a 1901 review of his big book that was highly skeptical, reposting here, as it also refers to Henry george in part:

    https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/clark-the-distribution-of-wealth-a-theory-of-wages-interest-and-profits
    «To each agent a distinguishable share in production, and to each a corresponding reward - such is the law of natural distribution. This thesis we have to prove; and more hinges on the truth of it than any introductory words can state. The right of society to exist in its present form, and the probability that it will continue to exist, are at stake. These facts lend to this problem of distribution its measureless importance ... the indictment that hangs over society is that of "exploiting labour"»

    https://www.jstor.org/stable/1884976
    TN Carver “Review: Clark's Distribution of Wealth”
    The Quarterly Journal of Economics Vol. 15 No. 4 (August 1901) pages 578-602

    «The author's argument relates wholly to functional distribution, and leaves the more vital question of personal distribution untouched. The disciple of Henry George might therefore admit that that the land creates a definite share in the product, and at the same time deny that the landlord had any part in it. He might also admit that the land ought to be paid for on the basis of its productivity, and deny that the private landlord should receive rent. The alternative would be to allow the State to receive the share that is attributable to land. The socialist might take the same position as to all instruments of production.
    The right of the present social order to exist depends on the laws which govern not functional, but personal distribution.

    [...] Probably the most unsettled question of economic theory at the present time is that of then nature and function of capital. It is upon this subject that Professor Clark is most startingly original, and, in the opinion of the present writer, least satisfactory. The initial difficulty is to find out just what he means by capital. His first statement seems definite and concise enough. “Capital consists of the instruments of production, and they are always concrete and material. This fact is fundamental”. [...] Yet material things perish or wear out, while capital, according to the author, does not.
    [...] Again: “We may think of capital as a sum of productive wealth, invested in material things that are perpetually shifting - which come and go continually - although the fund abides. Capital thus lives, as it were, by transmigration, taking itself out of one set of bodies, and putting itself into another again and again.” [...] From this it would appear that capital is the fund of _value_ which is embodied in capital-goods.»

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  4. Thanks for the comments. I am thinking of exploring a model with extensive rent and with fixed capital of constant efficiency. I think such a model will retain 'nice' properties of single production.

    I am not sure where I disagree with Gaffney. Presumably in the temporal order of when propositions were accepted.

    I am not worried if my post seems shallow. I hope that somebody who is sympathetic to George might be inspired to look into these issues.

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  5. «"The marginalists also had a utility theory of consumer demand. Amazingly, the human psyche and production follow the same laws."
    That seems to me a bit shallow: [...] cost accounting [...] skip the theory of production and assume that assuming trading in the presence of "tatonnement" made that "unnecessary"»
    «I am not worried if my post seems shallow.»

    I meant that indeed the marginalist approach is a bit shallow, because trading must be based on something, and that something at some point must be cost accounting (e.g. for make-or-buy decisions) and some non-trivial theory of production. Put another way to trade advisedly traders must have a theory of production and principles of cost accounting, and it is shallow to just assume that they do somehow, and since they do the political economists don't need one, they are just implied by emergent demand and supply curves.

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