Or, rather, I classify economists into two kinds on each of three dimensions (Table 1).
I have written about the
first
dimension
before. Classical political economy, and economists in related traditions, focus on what needs to hold such that
society is reproduced.
Neoclassical economics is defined, by many, as being about the allocation of scarce resources.
Post Keynesians and others
describe
money as having real effects.
Many mainstream economists, on the other hand, model capitalist economies as, basically, barter economies.
They hold money to be neutral,
at least in the long run. It is not clear that such models can be
extended
to contain money.
My third dimension, above, relates to attitudes to two types of models. In one, an economy is described,
at a high level of abstraction, as characterized by free competition, with no agent being able to influence
market prices, and all agents having complete information about what can be known. In the other model,
one introduces rigidities and stickiness in prices; oligopolies, monopolies, and monopsonies; information
asymmetries; and so on.
One group of economists thinks the former model can describe an economy that need not tend to an
equilibrium with desirable properties.
Many mainstream
economists, however,
think actually existing economies are to be described by deviations from perfect competition and that it
is the goal of policy to try to make actual economies function like the ideal.
(I was inspired to try to define this dimension by Palermo (2016).)
Theoretically, the above taxonomy yields eight kinds of economists. I do not know that one can find important
economists at every node of the cube so defined. But, to see how this works out, consider Joseph Schumpeter.
He emphasized scarcity, thought money and finance impact real variables, and saw issues with a perfectly
competitive economies. For the latter, consider his argument - later taken up by John Kenneth
Galbraith - that large corporations were needed for the research and development needed for growth in
a mature economy.
John Maynard Keynes is another economist that emphasized the real effects of money and argued issues
can arise in the ideal economy. He argued, in the General Theory, that a perfectly
competitive economy would be violently unstable. Rigidities in wages are desirable, for they
provide stability. I am not sure where I would put him on the first dimension, but followers
at Cambridge, such as Kaldor and Robinson, developed models of warranted growth in the 1950s
that lie in the upper left box in the figure.
Obviously, this post should go on to explore more nodes in the cube I have outlined.
References
- John H. Finch and Robert McMaster (2018). History Matters: On the mystifying appeal of Bowles and Gintis. Cambridge Journal of Economics.
- Giulio Palermo (2016). Post-Walrasian Economics: A Marxist Critique. Science & Society 80(3): 346-378.
My article with the post title is now available at the
Review of Behavioral Economics. The abstract follows:
Abstract: The choice of technique can be analyzed, in a circulating-capital model of prices of production, by constructing the wage frontier. Switch points arise when more than one technique is cost-minimizing for a specified rate of profits. This article defines four normal forms for variations in the number and sequence of switch points with a perturbation of, for example, a coefficient of production. The 'perversity' of switch points that appear on and disappear from the wage frontier is analyzed. The conjecture is made that no other normal forms for local patterns of co-dimension one exist.
- Maeve Cohen, the director of Rethinking Economics, notes
the absurdism of undergraduate economics teaching, even after the
Global Financial Crisis. In this one page article in Nature, she calls for greater pluralism in teaching. (This
has led to the usual whining and silliness in the usual places.)
- The American Economic Association has a moderated discussion board.
I suspect much of the discussion will be too focused on narrow questions for interest by non-economists.
- Thomas Piketty, Emmanuel Saez, and Gabriel Zucman have estimates
for income in the United States, over time, for various percentiles. These can be called distributional national accounts.
- Yanis Varoufakis calls for
an international movement to fight both a re-insurgent fascism and establishment globalists.
- Georgist single-taxers are not too my taste. I found this website
for the New Physiocratic League colorful. I find intriguing the concept of certifying a political party's platform.
I present four claims about Marx's Capital. I strive for topics more general than, for example,
squabbles about the transformation problem. I suggest that some of these claims present a
useful focus for reading Marx's book, even if part of your focus is arguing why the
claim is wrong. If this were more than a blog post, I would need to cite various Marxists
and scholars that inspired me.
Thesis I: Capital is organized around a model of a pure, two-class capitalist
economy.
I think the above claim is helpful in making sense of the opening chapters of Volume 1
and of Volume 2. In Volume 2, I am thinking of the analysis of the analysis of
various circuits, as well as the models of simple and expanded reproduction.
This claim separates out the historical material and the analysis more sharply
than some commentators on Marx accept. I guess it is consistent with some of
Marx's use of Blue Books filed by factory inspectors in Britain. Historical
material that goes beyond a model of pure capitalism includes the
analyses of primitive accumulation in pre-capitalist formations and of
the development of machinery and manufacture. I think of the replacement
of the putting-out system, handicraft, and domestic industry by factories.
Thesis II: Capital continues the tradition of classical political economy; it
does not represent a sharp break with this tradition.
One can argue Marx saw William Petty, Francois Quesnay, Adam Smith, and David Ricardo, for
example, as having applied a scientific method of abstraction to identify essences that
lie behind the surface phenomena of market prices. Of course, Marx had many criticisms
of his predecessors. He thought Smith had not sufficiently distinguished labor that
was and was not productive of surplus value. Even Ricardo did not distinguish (abstract,
social) labor from labor power. Marx argued his distinction between constant and
variable capital was more fundamental, in some sense, that the classical political
economy distinction between fixed and circulating capital. And the classical
did not talk about surplus value in general, instead of manifestations in the
form of profits, interest, and rent.
This claim of continuity can also be argued to be consistent with Marx's contrast
of vulgar and scientific political economy. Not everybody in the time of the classics,
including Adam Smith, were thoroughgoing in the application of their scientific
method.
But some of what Marx has to say about illusions generated by competition is
in tension with this claim of continuity. He was interested in what social
conditions made possible the development of political economy. The
classical political economists championed the rising bourgeois before
the social question became sufficiently biting. And what about the
sarcasm and irony in Capital.
Thesis III: The system of labor values is a reality behind the appearance of
freedom in market transactions.
In some sense, labor values provide a sub-basement underlying a building more
obvious to our sight.
A counter thesis would be based on a Wittgenstein-like reading of Capital.
Nothing is hidden, but markets, like languages, are befuddling.
Marx is presenting arrangements in a therapeutic treatment to dissolve
confusions. This also gets into some readings of Sraffa's work.
Thesis IV: One can accept the analysis in Capital as a way of understanding
the world, independently of a any position on the desirability of changing it,
either through a revolution or otherwise.
1.0 Introduction
This post presents a model of a steady state with a constant rate of growth in which:
- Total wages and total profits grow at the same rate.
- Neutral technical change increases the productivity of labor in all industries.
- The wage per hour increases with productivity.
- Each worker continues to consume the same quantity of produced commodities.
- But each worker takes advantage of increased productivity to work less hours per year.
In these times, when concerns about global warning are so important, one would also want to see
a suggestion of a reduced ecological footprint. So this model of a steady state is only
semi-idyllic.
I do not consider anything in the
mathematical model
below to be original. I outline it
to raise the question whether such a growth path is possible under capitalism. The
model demonstrates logical consistency, but cannot demonstrate that details abstracted
from in the model would not prevent its realization.
2.0 The Model
Consider a closed economy with no foreign trade. Industries are grouped into two great departments. In
Department I, firms produce means of production, also known as capital goods. The output of
Department I is called ‘steel’ and measured in tons. In Department II, firms produce means of consumption,
also known as consumer goods. The output of Department II is called ‘corn’, measured in bushels.
Both steel and corn are produced from inputs of steel and labor.
Constant coefficients of production (Table 1) are assumed to characterize production in each year. All capital
is circulating capital. Long-lived machines, natural resources, and joint production are abstracted
from in this model. Free competition is assumed. Labor is advanced, and wages are paid out of the net output
at the end of the year. Workers are assumed to spend all of their wages on means of consumption. Profits are
saved at a constant proportion, s.
Table 1: Constant Coefficients of Production
Parameter | Definition | Units |
a0, 1(t) | Labor required as input per ton steel produced in year t. | Person-Hrs per Ton |
a1, 1 | Steel services required as input per ton steel produced. | Tons per Ton |
a0, 2(t) | Labor required as input per bushel corn produced in year t. | Person-Hrs per Bushel |
a1, 2 | Steel services required as input per bushel corn produced. | Tons per Bushel |
Suppose coefficients of production for steel inputs are constant through time, but labor coefficients exhibit a growth in
labor productivity of 100 ρ percent:
a0, j(t + 1) = (1 - ρ) a0, j(t), j = 1, 2
Let Xi(t), i = 1, 2; represent the physical output produced in each department
in year t and available at the end of the year.
Furthermore, suppose the price of steel, p, and the rate of profits, r, are constant. Let outputs
from each of the two departments grow at a constant rate of 100 g percent:
Xi(t + 1) = (1 + g) Xi(t), i = 1, 2
Certain quantity equations follow from these assumptions. The quantity of capital goods added each year
must equal the capital goods remaining after reproducing those used up in producing total output, in both
departments:
g [a1,1 X1(t) + a1,2 X2(t)]
= X1(t) - [a1,1 X1(t) + a1,2 X2(t)]
The person-years of labor employed relates to labor coefficients and gross outputs:
L(t) = a0, 1(t) X1(t) + a0, 2(t) X2(t)
Price equations are:
p a1, 1 (1 + r) + a0, 1 w(t) = p
p a1, 2 (1 + r) + a0, 2 w(t) = 1
These equations embody the use of a bushel corn as numerate. w(t) is the wage
per person-hour, paid out at the end of the year out of the surplus.
These assumptions and parameters are enough to depict Table 2. The column labeled "Constant capital" shows the value of
advanced capital goods, taking the output of Department II as the numeraire. The column labeled "Variable Capital" depicts
the wages paid out of revenues available at the end of the year. The surplus is what remains for the capitalists.
Table 2: A Tableau Economique
| Constant Capital | Variable Capital | Surplus | Output |
I | p a1,1 X1(t) | w(t) a0,1 X1(t) | p a1,1 X1(t) r | p X1(t) |
II | p a1,2 X2(t) | w(t) a0,2 X2(t) | p a1,2 X2(t) r | X2(t) |
Workers spend what they get, and capitalists save a constant ratio, s, of their profits.
With these assumptions, one can calculate the bushels corn that the workers and capitalists in Department I want to purchase,
at the end of each year, from Department II. Likewise, one can calculate the numeraire value of the steel that capitalists
in Department II want to purchase from Department I. Along a steady state, these quantities must be in balance:
[a0, 1(t) w(t) + (1 - s) p a1, 1 r] X1(t)
= p a1, 2 [1 + s r] X2(t)
This completes the specification of this model of expanded reproduction with technical change uniformly increasing the
productivity of labor.
3.0 The Solution
Output per labor hour is found by solving the quantity equations:
X1(t)/L(t) = a1, 2 (1 + g)/β(t, g)
X2(t)/L(t) = [1 - a1, 1 (1 + g)]/β(t, g)
where:
β(t, g) = a0, 2(t) + [a0, 1(t) a1, 2 - a0, 2(t) a1, 1](1 + g)
That is:
Xi(t)/L(t) = [1/(1 - ρ)t] [Xi(0)/L(0)], i = 1, 2
The path of employed labor hours falls out as:
L(t) = (1 - ρ)t (1 + g)t L(0)
The number of employed person-hours decreases if:
ρ > g
The above expresses the condition that the labor inputs needed to produce a unit of output,
in both departments, decrease faster than the rate of growth in both departments.
The price equations are also easily solved. Given a constant rate of profits, the price of steel is constant as well:
p = a0, 1(0)/β(0, r)
The wage per person-hour increases with productivity:
w(t) = [1 - a1, 1 (1 + r)/β(t, r) = [1/(1 - ρ)t] w(0)
The trade-offs between consumption per worker and the steady-state rate of growth and between the wage and the rate of profits
have the same form.
These solutions can be substituted into the balance equation. It becomes:
[1 - a1, 1 (1 + s r)] (1 + g) = [1 - a1, 1 (1 + s r)] (1 + s r)
Suppose the rate of profits falls below its maximum (where the workers ‘live on air’) or not all profits are saved.
Then this is a derivation of the "Cambridge equation":
r = g/s
A steady rate of growth, when the workers consume their wage, requires that the rate of profits be the quotient of the
rate of growth and the savings rate out of profits.
4.0 Demographics and Institutions
I make some rather arbitrary assumptions about demographics and institutions. Suppose the number of person-years
supplied as labor grows at the postulated rate of growth:
LS(t + 1) = (1 + g) LS(t)
with LS(t) measured in person-years. Let the number of hours in a standard
labor-year, α(t) decrease at the same constant rate as the growth in productivity:
α(t + 1) = (1 - ρ) α(t)
The rate at which the total supply of labor-hours increases is easily calculated:
α(t + 1) LS(t + 1) = (1 - ρ) (1 + g) α(t) LS(t)
Under these assumptions, the supply of labor-hours grows at the same rate as the demand for labor-hours. Total wages and
total profits increase at the same rate, 100 g percent. The wage per worker increases at the same rate as the
standard length of a labor year declines. Thus, workers consume a constant quantity of commodities, but they
take increased productivity in steadily increased free time.
5.0 Discussion and Conclusions
What should one postulate about money in this model? One could assume the money supply grows endogenously, along
with commodities. Or, perhaps, the velocity of the circulation of money increases with productivity. A
continuous decrease in the money price of corn is another logical possibility. Perhaps Rosa Luxemburg
was right, and an external source of demand from less developed regions and countries is needed to
support expanded reproduction. Or Kalecki is correct, and military spending by the government will do.
I do not know if this model describes any existing capitalist economy. It does not describe the post-war
golden age. In that time, at least in the United States, workers took increased productivity in increased
consumer goods. (I think the memory of the Great Depression, the occurrence of World War II, and the
existence of the Soviet Union has something to do how this worked out.)
Could any capitalist economy function like this? Somehow, an advertising industry is not encouraging
workers to consume ever more produced commodities, or they ignore such messages. They continually have more
freedom. Yet, they always spend a bit of time under the domination and direction of their employers.
Will the capitalists tolerate this?
Despite the label at the bottom of this post, this is not really a profile of Amin. I happen to have started reading
Modern Imperialism, Monopoly Finance Capital, and Marx's Law of Value (Monthly Review Press, 2018) last month.
Here are a couple of quotations:
"Vulgar economics is obsessed with the false concept of 'true prices,' whether for ordinary commodities, for labor,
for money, for time, or for natural resources. There are no 'true prices' to be 'revealed' by the genius of the 'market.'
Prices are the combined products of rates of exploitation of labor (rates of surplus-value), of competition among
fragmented capitals, and the deduction levied in the form of 'oligopoly rents,' and of the political and social
conditions that govern the division of surplus-value among profits, interest, ground rents, and extractive rents." -- Amin, p. 99.
"Marx's criticism of the classic bourgeois political economy of Smith and Ricardo concluded by shifting from analysis centered on 'the market' ... to one centered on the depths of production where value and the extraction of on surplus value are determined.
Without this shifting of the analysis from the superficial to the essential, from the apparent to the concealed,
no radical critique of capitalism is possible...
The law of value formulated by Marx, based on the concept of abstract labor, expresses the rationality of the
social utility (the utility for society) of a defined use value. This rationality transcends that which governs the
reproduction of a particular mode of production (in this case, the capitalist mode of production). Under capitalism,
rationality demands the accumulation of capital, itself based on the extraction of surplus value. The price system
frames the operation of this rationality. Economic decisions in this framework ... will be different from those
that might be made on the basis of the law of value that would define, in the socialism to come, the mode
of social governance over economic decision making.
Bourgeois economic theory attempts to prove that the mode of decision making in the framework of its
system of prices and incomes produces a rational allocation of labor and capital resources synonymous
with an optimal pattern of output. But it can reach that goal only through cascading tautological
arguments. To do so it artificially slices productivity into 'components' attributed to 'factors of production.'
Although this pattern of slices has no scientific value and rests on tautological argument, it is 'useful'
because it is the only way to legitimize capital's profits. The operative method of this bourgeois economics
to determine 'the wage' by the marginal productivity of 'the last employee hired' stems from the
same tautology and breaks up the unity of the collective, the sole creator of value. Moreover,
contrary to the unproven affirmations of conventional economics, employers do not make decisions by
using such 'marginal calculations.'" -- Amin, pp. 232-234.
I have several other books by Amin on my bookshelf:
- Samir Amin (2006). Samir Amin: A Life Looking Forward: Memoirs of an Independent Marxist. Zed Books.
- Samir Amin (1998). Spectres of Capitalism: A Critique of Current Intellectual Fashions. Monthly Review Press.
- Samir Amin (1997). Capitalism in the Age of Globalization: The Management of Contemporary Society. Zed Books.
As I understand Amin is most well known for inventing the word "Eurocentrism" and for extending the law of value
to the law of worldwide value.
Amin builds on the concept of the "surplus", as developed in the work of Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy.
One can formalize this notion in a model of a developed country with three departments, for producing
capital goods, consumption goods, and luxuries. The last department is not in Marx's models of
simple and expanded reproduction.
This department is needed to address the problem of realization in an age of monopoly capital.
When it comes to realization problems, there is a long tradition among Marxists of looking at open
economies, with advanced industrial capitalist economies trading with less developed peripheral regions
or countries. Amin, an Egyptian trained in Paris and working in Dakar, was well positioned to
develop these ideas of North-South trade. In the book mentioned above, he often talks about
extending Marx's law of value to the law of worldwide value. I gather his ideas are partly
the result of a critical engagement with Andre Gunder Frank's work, which I do not know.
To my mind, you can find similar ideas, about monopoly and finance capital and imperialism,
going back to the time of the Second International. Amin mentions Rosa Luxembourg, but, as I recall,
is critical of her. By the way, he groups Sraffa with bourgeois economists.
I was hoping to find Amin providing an exposition of a mathematical model in Modern Imperialism.
He does provide some, but mostly he sticks with numerical examples and historical analysis. He
says that this is, partly, to make his work accessible to a larger audience.
Also, I am not sure that a mathematical model of the whole is appropriate for monopoly capital.
I guess if I want to explore more, I should look at his
1974 book, Accumulation on a World Scale.
Apparently, a character in a current movie, Crazy Rich Asians is an economist. Dan Kopf
considers
whether she is a good economist. In a couple of recent tweets, Paul Krugman reacts:
"Actually, I can fill this gap.
"There was a movie titled The Internecine Project ... with James Coburn
as a chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers who gets a bunch of people
to kill each other to hide his evil past. Sounds good to me,
but the movie was terrible." -- Paul Krugman, 9 August 2018
I do not know about the movie versions, but I can name a couple of book series with characters who
are economists:
- Meyer is the sidekick in John D. MacDonald's
Travis McGee
mystery series. Meyer's houseboat is the John Maynard Keynes, until it is blown up.
He replaces it with the Thorstein Veblen.
- The love interest in the
Bourne Identity series is an economist. If I recall correctly,
Jason Bourne first meets her by carjacking and kidnapping her, and then forcing her to drive with him
to Paris.
I don't think you can count the Marshall Jevons'
mystery series,
since that is a pen name for two economists.
1.0 Introduction
In explaining the policy implications of the Austrian Business Cycle Theory, Hayek argued that the central
bank should try to keep the money rate of interest rate equal to the natural rate. Sraffa famously
criticized Hayek by describing a model with multiple interest rates, not necessarily all equal. In reply,
Hayek asserted that all the interest rates in Sraffa's example would be equilibrium rates. Sraffa
had a rejoinder:
"The only meaning (if it be a meaning) I can attach to this is that his maxim of policy
now requires that the money rate should be equal to all these divergent natural rates."
This interchange was part of the downfall
of the Austrian theory of the business cycle. I thought I would try to shortly explain what is and is not
compatible with a unique natural interest rate.
2.0 Multiple Interest Rates Compatible with a Unique Natural Interest Rate
When one talks about the interest rate or the rate of profits, one
may be abstracting from all sorts of complications. And these complications may be
consistent with multiple interest rates, in some sense. Yet these multiple interest
rates were not in dispute between Hayek and Sraffa.
2.1 Interest Rates for Loans of Different Lengths
Suppose at the start of the year, one can obtain a one-year loan of money
for an interest rate of 10%. At the same time, one can obtain a two-year
loan for 21%. Implicit in these different rates is a prediction that a
one-year loan will be available at the start of next year for an unchanged
interest rate of 10%. This implication follows from some trivial arithmetic:
1 + 21/100 = (1 + 10/100)(1 + 10/100)
The yield curve generalizes these observations. A certain shape, with
the interest rate increasing for longer loans is consistent with
the interest rate being expected to be unchanged, for loans of a
standard length, over time.
2.2 Interest Rates for Loans of Different Risks
One might also find interest rates being higher for loans deemed
riskier, independently of the time period for which the loan
is made. This variation is consistent with talk of the
interest rate. Often, in finance, one sees something
called the risk-free rate of interest defined
and used for discounting income streams. In practice,
the rate on a United States T-bill is taken as
the risk-free rate.
2.3 Rate of Profits
One can also distinguish between finance and business
income. One might refer to the interest rate for the
former, and the rate of profits for
the latter. Kaldor and others, in a dispute over
a Cambridge non-marginal theory of the distribution of
income, have described a steady state in which the
interest rate is lower than the rate of profits.
Households lend out finance to businesses and
obtain the interest rate. Such a steady state
is compatible with the existence of two classes
of households. Capitalist households receive
income only from their ownership of firms.
2.4 Rates of Profits Varying Among Industries
Steady states are also compatible with the rate
of profits varying among industries, as long
as relative profit rates are stable. Perhaps
some industries require work in more uncomfortable
circumstances. Or perhaps firms are able to
maintain barriers to entry.
3.0 Interest Rates with Different Numeraires
I have shown above how money interest rates for loans of different lengths embody expectations of the
future course of money interest rates. Interest rates need not be calculated in terms of money. They
can be calculated for any numeraire. And the ratio of real interest rates embody expectations of
how relative prices are expected to change.
As an example, suppose that at a given time t, both spot and forward markets exist
for (specified grades of) wheat and steel. One pays out dollars immediately on both spot
and forward markets.
Consider the following prices:
- pW, t: The spot price of a bushel wheat for immediate delivery.
- pS, t: The spot price of a ton steel for immediate delivery.
- pW, t + 1: The spot price of a bushel wheat for delivery at the end of a year.
- pS, t + 1: The spot price of a ton steel for delivery at the end of a year.
The wheat-rate of interest is defined by:
(1 + rW) = pW, t/pW, t + 1
I always like to check such equations by looking at dimensions. The units of the numerator on the right-hand side
are dollars per spot bushels. The denominator is in terms of dollars per bushel a year hence. Dollars
cancel out in taking the quotient. The wheat interest rate is quoted in terms of bushels a year hence per
immediate bushels.
Suppose all real interest rates are equal. So one can form an equation like:
pW, t/pW, t + 1 = pS, t/pS, t + 1
Or:
pW, t/pS, t = pW, t + 1/pS, t + 1
If spot prices a year hence were expected not to be in the ratio of current forward prices, one would
expect to be able to make a pure economic profit by purchasing some goods now for future delivery. Hence,
a no-arbitage condition allows one to calculated expected relative prices from quoted prices on
complete spot and forward markets.
Anyways, a steady state requires constant ratios of spot prices and, thus, real interest rates to be independent
of the numeraire. This is the condition Hayek imposed in his exposition of Austrian business cycle theory
in Prices and Production. And this is the condition that he dropped in his argument with Sraffa,
leaving his macroeconomics a confused mess.
I might as well note that a steady state is consistent with constant inflation. If all prices go up at, say,
ten percent, relative spot prices do not vary. On the other hand, relative spot prices differ with the
interest rate in comparisons across steady states.
4.0 Temporary Equilibrium with Consistent Plans and Expectations
Perhaps Hayek was willing to get himself into a muddle about the natural rate because he had already
investigated another equilibrium concept in previous work.
Suppose above that real interest rates vary among commodities. Then forward prices show expected
movements in spot prices. One might go further and assume a complete set of forward markets
do not exist. Markets clear when each agent believes they can carry out their plans, consistent
with their expectations, including of future spot prices. Should one call such market-clearing
an equilbrium, even if agents plans and expectations are not mutually consistent?
Concepts of temporary, intertemporal, and sequential equilibrium were to become
more important in mainstream
economics
after Hayek quit economics, more or less.
John Hicks was a major developer of these ideas, under Hayek's influence at the London School of Economics.
He eventually came to accept that the mainstream notions could not be set in historical time and were, at best,
of limited help in understanding actual economies.
5.0 Conclusion
The above has outlined multiple ways in which multiple interest
rates and multiple rates of profits are compatible with steady
states. Nevertheless, such circumstances are often described
by models in which one might talk about the rate of
interest.
I have also described an equilibrium in which one cannot
talk about the interest rate, whether natural or not.
Advocates of Austrian business cycle theory have never
clarified how it can be set in a temporary equilibrium.
One can sometimes find Austrian fanboys asserting that
critics do not appreciate distinctions between:
- Sources of exogenous shocks in central banks
and supposed determinants (inter temporal preferences, technology) of the natural rate
- Money rates of interest and real rates
- Subjectivism and objectivism
- Interest rates and relative prices.
But assertions do not constitute an argument. One would have
to do some work to show that these distinctions can serve
to rehabilitate Austrian business cycle theory. No matter
how much you send somebody chasing through the literature by Kirzner,
Lachmann, Jesus Huerta de Solo, and Garrison, they will
find the work has yet to be done.
(Robert Murphy probably knows this.)
References
- Hahn, Frank. 1982. The neo-Ricardians. Cambridge Journal of Economics 6: 353-374.
- Hayek, F. A. 1932. Money and Capital: A Reply. Economic Journal 42: 237-249.
- Kaldor, Nicholas. 1966. Marginal Productivity and the Macro-Economic Theories of Distribution: Comment on Samuelson and Modigliani. Review of Economic Studies 33(4): 309-319.
- Sraffa, Piero. 1932. Dr. Hayek on Money and Capital. Economic Journal 42: 42-53.
- Sraffa, Piero. 1932. A Rejoinder. Economic Journal 42: 249-251.
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