Friday, June 28, 2024

Selected Difficulties In Reading Marx's Capital

Infinite are the arguments of Marxists. This very selective survey needs references.

A first difficult is that everybody knows Marx has something to do with the Soviet Union. Many come to reading Capital with certain preconceptions. A couple comments in the book, for analytical reasons, contrast capitalism and feudalism and a post-capitalist economy with common ownership. But the book is about capitalism. The book contains expressions of outrage, often ironical. But is capitalism criticized for being unjust? And the labor theory of value, for Marx, is not about what workers should be paid.

I tend to read Marx as developing a theory for political economy, a theory about how capitalism works. But should such a thing as Marxian political economy even exist? "A critique of political economy" is the subtitle of of Capital. Maybe Marx is not offering a different theory to put in place of the existing theory. A similar argument arises over Sraffa. The subtitle of his 1960 masterpiece is, "A prelude to a critique of economic theory". Perhaps the formalism should lead to more concrete, institutial, and empirical studies. On the other hand, Marx says he is investigating the "laws of motion" of a commodity-producing society.

I take my next difficulty from some comments in David Harvey's Companion What arguments are logical, in some sense? What are describing history? It is obviously not all history, since otherwise the section on primitive accumulation would be towards the start. But the sequence of chapters on co-operation, manufacture, and modern industry are set in history. I do not mean formal logic or syllogisms by 'logic', but rather something like the unfolding of concepts.

Marx often postulates an ideal system, so as to address bourgeois political economists and Ricardian socialists. On the other hand, he often describes practices that deviate from such ideals. Which is which at any point in the text?

Does Marx ever present a complete description of his method? In the introduction to the Grundrisse, Marx distinguishes between the order of presentation and the order of discovery. In some of his correspondence, he outlines his book.

I tend to present (some variant of or critique of) Marx's political economy with mathematics. How much are those who have done such true to this approach? Some of the mathematics, such as Perron-Frobenius theorems, did not exist in Marx's day. Some find analytical marxists too willing to accept methodological individualism.

Then some background is very useful to understand what Marx is writing about. I might mention British political economy, Hegel's philosophy, and previous socialists.

There are some difficulties in the presentation. I have mentioned the last footnote in chapter 5. One then needs to read thousands of pages until Marx explains the transformation problem in volume 3. One might find it difficult to accept that Marx intends volume 1 to be something like a is first approximation.

This post echoes some themes in a recent working paper by Fabio Petri. Some confusions are probably my own.

Monday, June 24, 2024

Paul Davidson (23 October 1930 - 20 June 2024)

Overview

Paul Davidson took Keynes' General Theory of Employment Interest and Money seriously. The interpretation in mainstream textboooks misses important points. Keynes' book was about theory, not primarily about (short-run?) fiscal or monetary policy. Keynes does not explain persistent unemployment from imperfections or sticky or rigid money wages or prices. A general theory is one that has less axioms than the special case treated by, say, Marshall. Davidson identified, specifically, three axioms relaxed or rejected by Keynes:

  • Neutrality of money. For Keynes, money is non-neutral in all runs.
  • Gross substitution. Money has no substitutes; it cannot be produced from labor.
  • Ergodicity. Important time series in economics can be non-ergodic. Numerical probabilities cannot necessarily be assigned to all possible outcomes. Some might not even be known.

Davidson, following Weintraub, took overall economic activity from a Keynes-like model of aggregate supply and demand. This is neither a 45 degree diagram found in, say, Samuelson's textbook, nor what is in current mainstream textbooks. Aggregate supply and demand are curves in the space of monetary proceeds and employment. Their intersection is the point of effective demand. In Davidson's development, investment is autonomous and not a function of current income.

Davidson's perspective led to conflict with other Post Keynesians. Labor markets do not clear, given either competitive or non-competitive markets. One does not need Kalecki's degree of monopoly. At times, he appreciated the internal critique of marginalism offered by Sraffa those developing his ideas. But he thought that they did not appreciate Keynes' emphasis on uncertainty. On the other hand, some, such as Eatwell, might argue that Davidson's emphasis on money was an imperfection. I think both perspectives assert that Keynes' rejection of Say's law is not confined to the short run.

Maybe developments in the theory of endogenous money are also in tension with some of Davidson's work. Keynes assumed in the General Theory, but not in the Treatise on Money, that the monetary authority could vary the supply of money.

Davidson also wrote about various policy suggestions and international financial institutions. For example, he did not think the Tobin tax would achieve its goals.

Davidson insisted that the Post in "Post Keynesianism" should be capitalized and that no hypen should seperate the words.

Some Aspects of Professional Life

Davidson received an undergraduate degree from Brooklyn College. He performed research in biochemstry at the University of Pennsylvania during 1950-1952. He performed military service during the Korean War.

He switched to economics. Sidney Weintraub supervised his doctorate dissertation at the University of Pennsylvania. He moved to Rutgers in 1958. I think his stint as an executive at an oil company in the early 1960s influenced his views on Keynes' user cost.

He helped found the Journal of Post Keynesian Economics in 1978 and co-edited it with Sidney Weintraub.

After a purge of heterodox economics at Rutgers, Davidson moved, in 1986, to the University of Tennesee at Knoxville. I know of a number of heterodox economists who came out of Rutgers when Davidson was there. The career of Anne Mayhew, an institutionalist, overlapped with Davidson at the University of Tennesee.

In more recent years, Davidson was a visiting scholar at the New School for Social Research, Bernard Schwartz Center for Economic Policy Analysis.

Obituaries elsewhere: Chicago Tribune, Greg Davidson on his father at Daily Kos.

Very Selective Bibliography
  • Paul Davison. 1968. Money, portfolio balance, capital accumulation, and economic growth. Econometrica 36(2): 291-321.
  • Paul Davison. 1972. Money and the Real world. Macmillan
  • Paul Davison. 1989. The economics of ignorance or the ignorance of economics? Critical Review 3(3-4): 467-487.
  • Paul Davison. 1991. Is probability theory relevant for uncertainty? A Post Keynesian perspective. Perspectives on Economics 5: 29-43.
  • Paul Davison. 1994. Post Keynesian Macroeconomic Theory: A Foundation for Successful Economic Policy for the Twenty-First Century. Edward Elgar
  • Paul Davison. 2007. John Maynard Keynes. Palgrave Macmillan
  • J. E. King. 2002. A History of Post Keynesian Economics since 1936. Edward Elgar.

Tuesday, June 18, 2024

Alexander Harrington Corrects Professor On Hegel's Dialectic

Michael Harrington was a great socialist in the United States. This is not to say that he did not make some political missteps, at least at Port Huron. Isserman's biography seems to have Michael making political missteps throughout the 1950s and 1960s. His son Alexander had exposure to some hard-to-understand ideas before he got to college:

My older son, Alexander, began to read Dostoevsky on his own when he was about fifteen and once told a college professor who was explaining Hegel's dialectic in terms of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis that Hegel didn't use those terms and that he should read the section on Master and Servant in the Phenomenology of Spirit for the real theory. -- Michael Harrington. 1988. The Long-Distance Runner: An Autobiography. New York: Henry Holt and Company: p. 125.

The part on the master and bondsman is the same part of Hegel that Richard Wolff recommends to 'Destiny'. I do not like Hegel. The Phenomenology seems to be about the evolution of consciousness from a purely sensuous beginning. That bit about the master and slave is about how the self-consciousness of the master is reflected within the consciousness of the servant. The master wants his consciousness recognized by the servant, but also wants to dominate the servant. (I go by the Baillie translation.) I was surprised that it ends with something like the alienation of the worker.

References
  • Robert A. Gorman. 1995. Michael Harrington: Speaking American. New York: Routledge.
  • Michael Harrington. 1988. The Long-Distance Runner: An Autobiography. New York: Henry Holt and Company: p. 125.
  • Maurice Isserman. 2000. The Other American: The Life of Michael Harrinton. New York: Public Affairs.

Monday, June 10, 2024

A Robinson Crusoe Story

1.0 Introduction

I wrote this decades ago.

Here is a simple parable. Consider an island with a particularly simple society with two people, Robinson and Friday. Robinson and Friday live on one good, call it corn. At the start of our story, Robinson and Friday have just finished a feast. Both Robinson and Friday have each eaten food baked out of 50 bushels of corn. Also, Robinson has 50 bushels corn remaining. Friday, perhaps because he's newly arrived, has none.

2.0 The Initial Deal

Both Robinson and Friday can see that they must continue to eat in the future. They understand that their continual survival could be achieved by planting the remaining corn, saving 50 bushels corn in next year's harvest, and living off of the remainder. (In this story, Robinson and Friday are each able to go a year between meals.)

So Friday says to Robinson, "Why don't you share your seed corn with me. We'll each plant 25 bushels, and tend it half our time throughout the year. If your island is like my tribe's, that will allow us to harvest three bushels of corn for every bushel we plant. So at the end of the year, each of us will have 75 bushels. We can each eat 50 bushels and use the remaining 25 bushels for seed in the next year."

Robinson says, "Why should I give you anything? I happen to believe in property rights."

Friday says, "You don't want to see me starve, do you? What do you propose I do?"

Robinson says, "I'll tell you what. Why don't we come to the following voluntary agreement. You take the 50 bushels of corn, plant it, and tend it throughout the year. After harvesting, I'll take the 150 bushels we'll get and pay you 50 bushels for your helpful work."

Friday says, "Why should I agree to that? I do all the work, and you loaf around all year in a tropical paradise."

Robinson says, "Well, it's my seed corn."

Friday says, "Oh, all right. It's a deal."

3.0 The Story Continues

At the end of the year, Friday consumes his wages of 50 bushels. Robinson consumes his profits of 50 bushels. They are in the same situation as they were originally. They strike the same deal again and continue year after year.

4.0 Friday Reads A Book

It seems Robinson has brought the captain's library off the shipwreck with him. One day Friday happens to notice this library. He says to Robinson, "What are all these books?"

Robinson says, "I don't know. Being a practical person of the middle order of society, I never bothered to read them."

Friday says, "Well, can I have that big tome by that fellow Marx."

Robinson says, "Unlike the corn, it's of no use to me. You can have it."

Friday takes away the book and tries to read Marx. He finds it quite head-scratching in places, particularly the Hegel. That part seems so deep as to be incomprehensible. But he does get some glimmers from it.

5.0 A Debate

One day at the end of three years of work, Friday confronts Robinson and tells him, "You're exploiting me. I only get a third of the produce. This year I should get 26/27th of it. And if we continue on in this way, I should get all of it eventually."

Robinson can't make anything out of this. He says, "But I provide the seed corn. Labor and seed corn are measured in different units. How can you make a fair claim on any portion of the output but what we have agreed to?"

Friday says, "It will take me a little while to explain." Robinson says, "Unless some pirates show up, we have time. Go on."

Friday says, "Each year we harvest 150 bushels corn using 1 year of labor and 50 bushels seed. We can see that any proportion of the harvest was due to the corresponding proportions of the labor and the seed corn. Here's some examples." And Friday draws the following table in the sand:

Table 1: Inputs and Outputs
ProportionSeed CornLaborHarvest
150 Bushels1 Year150 bushels
2/333 1/3 Bushels2/3 Year100 bushels
1/316 2/3 Bushels1/3 Year50 bushels
2/911 1/9 Bushels2/9 Year33 1/3 bushels
1/95 5/9 Bushels1/9 Year16 2/3 bushels

Robinson says, "That seems fairly obvious. I don't see where you are going with this." Friday says, "We can use these numbers to break down my work in each year to produce the output in the following years:"

Table 2: Reduction of Gross Output to Labor Inputs
YearWork Torward
Year 3 Harvest
Work Torward
Year 2 Harvest
Work Torward
Year 1 Harvest
15 5/9 Bushels seed
& 1/9 year's labor
produce
16 2/3 Bushels
11 1/9 Bushels seed
& 2/9 year's labor
produce
33 1/3 Bushels
33 1/3 Bushels seed
& 2/3 year's labor
produce
100 Bushels
216 2/3 Bushels seed
& 1/3 year's labor
produce
50 Bushels
33 1/3 Bushels seed
& 2/3 year's labor
produce
100 Bushels
350 Bushels seed
& 1 year's labor
produce
150 Bushels

Robinson says, "I guess that's fairly clever. If I add horizontally, I see that you have allocated each year's seed, labor, and output to your columns. That's good. But if I add the first column vertically, all I see is that our 150 bushels corn is the result of 1 4/9 year's of your work and 5 5/9 bushels of my initial seed corn. What's your point?"

Friday says, "Wasn't that seed corn the result of your work before I showed up?"

Robinson says, "Well, yes. I worked hard for it. And I was even generous enough to feed you at first."

Friday says, "That may be. But can't we say that the 150 bushels we have now embodies the sum of 1 + 1/3 + 1/9 + 1/27 and so on year's labor? And therefore that, the total labor embodied in this third year's harvest is 3/2 year's of effort?"

"I don't know."

"It's just arithmetic. My contribution to this year's harvest, as you saw, is 1 4/9 years of work. The 5 5/9 bushels you originally contributed represents the remaining 1/18 years needed to produce the harvest. Since [ 1 4/9 ]/[ 1/18 ] is 26, I should get 26 bushels for every one of yours in the harvest."

Robinson says, "Um..."

"In other words, I, Friday, should get 26/27ths of this year's produce as I said originally."

"Furthermore," Friday continues, "as long as we continue to follow your deal, your fair share should become smaller and smaller. In the limit, all of the annual harvest has been produced by me alone if you don't help out at all."

6.0 The Upshot

Robinson says, "Aren't you denying my capital is productive?"

Friday says, "We certainly need the seed corn. But how is your ownership of it productive?"

"Sure it is. You need me to make the decisions what to do with it."

"Maybe so. My labor's the horse, and your capital is the lash."

This comment seems subversive to Robinson, and he gets angry. "Look, your argument only works because of the simplicity of our island. Excess profits and losses indicate where investment can be directed most advantageously."

Friday says, "You are only arguing that the rate of profit be calculated, not that profits be paid out. That indicator is only one among several. We could have any of many different incentive schemes."

Frustrated, Robinson says, "A deal's a deal. Whatever comes out of our market transactions, that's what's fair. I refuse to do arithmetic, so I can continue to talk nonsense."

This blockheadedness on Robinson's part so angers Friday that he stages a revolution and kills Robinson. The island lives on in communism from that day forward.

7.0 Some Notes

This story is un-Marxist. According to Marx, capitalism did not arise through people rationally constructing capitalist institutions, property rights, markets, etc. Nor will it fall by convincing people of its unjustness by rational argument. Rather historical materialism describes beliefs as reflecting changes in productive forces as part of an historical process. My story is much too idealist for Marx. Also, my story does not contain money, and money is central to Marx's account of value.

The story can be made more realistic. We can add many workers and capitalists, and assume perfect competition. We can also assume continuously differentable production functions. For example, this parable is consistent with the Cobb-Douglas production function:

Q(L, X ) = 3 (50)1/3 L1/3 X(2/3)

where Q is the corn harvested at the end of the year, L is the number of person-years of labor during the year, and X is the bushels of seed corn. Whatever wage comes out of the market will be equal to the value of the marginal product of labor. These assumptions and this equality of the wage and the value of the marginal product of labor are compatible with some such calculations as in the story. Unless the workers eventually get the entire product, they are exploited, as above.

While my parable is non-Marxist, the arithmetic for the concept of exploitation used in it is based on my understanding of some aspects of Marx's theory.

"...we must understand the importance which Marx attached to his distinction between 'labour' and 'labour-power': an importance essential for the context of exploitation as a key to understanding the bourgeois (or capitalist) mode of production. The role of the labour theory of value in relation to the theory of surplus value is frequently misunderstood. Often this is interpreted as embodying a Lockean 'natural right' principle, to the effect that the product of a man's labour belongs 'of right' to the labourer; whence it is held that the appropriation of part of this product by the capitalist is 'unnatural' and unethical. Hence exploitation is interpreted as a quasi-legal or ethical concept rather than a realistic economic description. If what we have said about labour and the labour process has been appreciated, it should be clear that this is an incorrect interpretation. What could be said, of course, is that the notion of labour as productive activity implicitly afforded the definition of exploitation as an appropriation of the fruits of activity by others - appropriation of those fruits by those who provided no productive activity of their own. But far from being an arbitrary or unusual definition of 'productive' and 'unproductive', this would surely meet with general aggreement as normal usage of these words. The problem for Marx was not to prove the existence of surplus value and exploitation by means of a theory of value: it was, indeed, to reconcile the existence of surplus value with the reign of market competition and of exchange of value equivalents. As he himself expressed it: 'To explain the general nature of profits, you must start from the theorem that, on an average, commodities are sold at their real values, and that profits are derived from selling them at their values ... If you cannot explain profit upon this supposition, you cannot explain it at all.'

The point of this can the better be appreciated if it is remembered that the school of writers to whom the name of the Ricardian Socialists has been given (such as Thomas Hodgskin, William Thompson and John Bray), who can be said to have held a 'primitive' theory of exploitation, explained profit on capital as the product of the superior bargaining power, lack of competition and 'unequal exchanges between Capital and Labour' (this bearing analogy with Duhring's 'force theory' which was castigated by Engels). This was the kind of explanation that Marx was avoiding rather than seeking. It did not make exploitation consistent with the law of value and with market competition, but explained it by departures from, or imperfections in, the latter. To it there was an easy answer from the liberal economists and free traders: namely, 'join with us in demanding really free trade and then there can be no "unequal exchanges" and exploitation.'" -- Maurice Dobb, "Introduction" in K. Marx, A Contibution to the Critique of Political Economy, Progress Publishers, 1970, pp. 12-13.

Interestingly enough, the great Austrian economist Eugen Böhm-Bawerk's account of capitalism arguably does not challenge Marx's claim that the workers are exploited.

"Whoever is the owner of a capital sum is ordinarily able to derive from it a permanent net income which goes under the scientific name of interest in the broad sense of the term.

This income is distinguished by certain notable characteristics.

It arises independently of any personal act of the capitalist. It accrues to him even though he has not moved a finger in creating it, and therefore seems in a peculiar sense to arise from capital, or, to use a very old metaphor, to be begotten by it...And, finally, it flows without ever exhausting the capital from which it arises, and therefore without any necessary limit to its continuance. It is, if one may use such an expression in mundane matters, capable of everlasting life.

And so the phenomenon of interest presents, on the whole, the remarkable picture of a lifeless thing, capital, producing an everlasting and inexhaustible supply of goods. And this remarkable phenomenon appears in economic life with such perfect regularity that the very concept of capital has often been founded on it. Thus Hermann, in his Staatswirtschaftiche Untersuchungen defines capital as 'wealth which produces a constant flow of income without suffering any diminution in exchange value.'

Whence and why does the capitalist receive this endless and effortless flow of wealth? -- Eugen von Böhm Bawerk, Capital and Interest, "Volume 1: History and Critique of Interest Theories", p. 1.

Notice that attempts to change the conditions don't attack the logic of the above story. I don't see how the ability for some workers to save to become capitalists or attempts to justify some highly paid personnel as being paid for the labor of supervision threatens the logic of the story. If you want to criticize the logic, show that it's not reasonable within its own assumptions. But this cannot be done. On the other hand, those that understand, say, the John von Neumann model of growth know how to generalize the story to make it much more realistic.

Friday, June 07, 2024

Prices Of Production Before Labor Values

1.0 Introduction

This post outlines an unoriginal argument against Marx's version of the Labor Theory of Value (LTV), if that is the right name. Somehow, this post was obliquely inspired by Fabio Petri's recent working paper.

Suppose technology, net output, and the real wage are given. Then the rate of profits and prices of production are determined.

Suppose that the technology provides a choice of technique. Then the determination of the choice of technique requires an analysis at the level of prices of production. One can do labor value accounting only after the determination of the technique in use.

Given the technique and the level of operation of each process, one can then determine the labor value embodied in the output of each industry. One can then use this labor value accounting in the overall system of labor values to calculate a supposed rate of profits. In general, this rate of profits is unequal to the rate of profits in the system of prices of production.

One can also use the technique in use to identify a commodity of an average organic composition of capital, in some sense. And one can calculate the rate of profits in the system of labor values for the industry producing this average commodity. And all of Marx's other volume 3 invariants hold in the production of Sraffa's standard commodity.

But the composition of the standard commodity also varies with the technique in use and, thus, depends on the real wage and an analysis at the level of prices of production.

Supply and demand, as conceptualized in marginalist economic theory, however, remains nonsense, not even wrong.

2.0 Givens

Suppose a capitalist economy is observed at a given point in time. The net output of the economy consists of a column vector d, in which each element is measured in physical units (kilotons, bushels, etc.)

Suppose the capitalists know of the processes comprising two techniques, Alpha and Beta, for producing the given net output. Each technique is characterized by a row vector of direct labor coefficients, a0(α) and a0(β) and a Leontief input-output matrix, A(α) and A(β). These vectors and matricies are given in physical units.

I assume constant returns to scale and, here, that all advanced capital is circulating capital. Both techniques must be able to produce the given net output, but different intermediate commodities may be produced. The economy must hang together, in some sense. That is at least one basic commodity exists in each technique, although the which commodities are basic may vary with the technique. Also, nothing like Sraffa's 'beans', in Appendix B of his book, exists in either technique.

One could articulate these assumptions more rigorously.

3.0 Prices of Production

Prices of production, for a competitive capitalist economy, are such that the same rate of (accounting) profits is obtained in each operated process. For the Alpha technique, prices of production must satisfy the following system of equations:

p(w, α) A(α) (1 + r(w, α)) + w a0(α) = p(w, α)

If one takes net output as the numeraire, prices of production must be such that:

p(w, α) d = 1

Prices of production and the rate of profits can be found for a non-negative wage up to a certain maximum. Prices of production and the corresponding rate of profits can be found for each technique.

4.0 Choice of Technique

The determination of prices of production for each technique, at the given wage, allows for an analysis of the choice of technique.

If Alpha is the cost-minimizing technique at the wage w, supernormal profits cannot be obtained by operating Beta. The cost of operating each process in the Beta technique at Alpha prices cannot fall below the revenue obtained. The following must hold:

p(w, α) A(β) (1 + r(w, α)) + w a0(β) ≥ p(w, α)

If the wage is not that at a switch point, a strict inequality must hold for at least one process in Beta. I suppose that prices of commodities only produced in Beta are zero for the above display and that prices for commodities only produced under Alpha do not appear in the price vector.

For the case of circulating capital, the above is equivalent to the rate of profits for Alpha exceeding the rate of profits for Beta:

r(w, α) ≥ r(w, β)

If Beta is the cost-minimizing technique, these conditions are reversed. In any case, which technique is cost-minimizing may vary with the wage.

5.0 Labor Values

Let a0(w) be the row vector of direct labor coefficients and A(w) be the Leontief input-output matrix of the cost-minimizing technique at the wage w.

The labor embodied in each commodity produced for the cost-minimizing technique is found from the vector of direct labor coefficients and the Leontief inverse:

v = a0(w) (I - A(w)-1

One could go on to perform further calculations, including with the dominant eigenvalue and corresponding eigenvector for the input-output matrix A(w). As this notation emphasizes, the data for labor value accounting depends on the wage. The data also depend on the above analysis of prices of production.

6.0 Conclusion

One could respond to this argument by asserting that typically a single technique is dominant for any distribution of income. New techiques come about by innovation, replacing existing techniques.

This rebuttal does not work for, at least, some aspects of joint production. Extensive rent or differential rent of the first kind, for example, requires an analysis to identify which type of land pays no rent and is nevertheless cultivated. It is only after such an analysis at the level of prices of production that labor values can be calculated.

Supply and demand curves have not been drawn above. Nor has anything been said about utility maximization. As Laplace told Napoleon in a different context,"I have no need of that hypothesis."

References

Monday, June 03, 2024

Why Is Reswitching Empirically Rare?

Figure 1: Variation in the Economic Life of a Machine with Technical Progress

Exploration of the effects of perturbations of model parameters in the analysis of the choice of technique has suggested an answer to this question to me. I am not sure how well-developed the argument in this post is.

The question is raised by empirical results, particularly by Han & Schefold and by Zambelli. I have previous commented on Zambelli. Heinz Kurz has recently questioned the reliability of these results. The data come from economies in which fixed capital is widely used. One can expect old plants that would not be currently reproduced to be operated and to obtain quasi-rents. Nevertheless, empirical wage curves are surprisingly close to straight lines and reswitching and other 'perverse' phenomena seem to be rare.

Bertram Schefold took his empirical results seriously. He has been exploring what happens when the coefficients of input-output system are random in some sense. Reswitching is rare, but so is switching. For most of the range of feasible income distributions, one technique is dominant. If I recall correctly, he says this contrived problem. Most innovations replace one process with another, dominant process.

I get to the same result in another way. Figure 1 is from an example with fixed capital in which all coefficients of production decrease at an exponential rate. Reswitching occurs in Region 3. But that U-shape on its side is generic, in some sense. In models of the choice of technique with a single parameter varying or with parameters varying as a function of time, one will get the same sort of shape. Reswitching only occurs for a range of time. Before or after, no reswitching, at least of the same two techniques, occurs.

Figure 2: A Part of a Parameter Space

I also have considered how to partition parameter spaces based on fluke switch points. Figure 2 illustrates two parameters in a model of extensive rent. This example is written up in one of my publications. Regions 3 and 7 and their boundaries are also generic, in some sense. Reswitching occurs within these regions. The northeast boundary, in these cases, corresponds to a fluke switch point in which two wage curves are tangent at the switch point. Reswitching disappears over these boundaries.

These boundaries intersect, to the upper left, a boundary in which a fluke switch point occurs at a rate of profits of zero. At the intersection, the two wage curves are tangent at a rate of profits of zero. The reswitching pattern, on the other hand, intersects a boundary at the lower right at the maximum rate of profits. The region in which reswitching occurs can only be in a small part of the two-dimensional projection of the parameter space. Technical progress, in this example, is a movement from the upper right to the lower left in Figure 2.

I have been constructing or perturbing examples of 'perverse' phenomena. But the kind of structures outlined above are generic in some sense. I might think a bit about what regions with triple-switching and so on look like in the diagrams with two-dimensional projections of model parameters. It seems that technical progress is a matter of one technique becoming dominant, whatever the distribution of income. This change in dominance happens in secular time or in the very long-run. It is a matter of the wage frontier moving outward. Reswitching is a transient phenomenon, occurring in the long-run. I do not know how this impacts short-run dynamics or market prices.

References
  • Z. Han and B. Schefold (2006) An empirical investigation of paradoxes: reswitching and reverse capital deepening in capital theory", Cambridge Journal of Economics, V. 30: 737-765.
  • Zambelli, Stefano. 2018. The aggregate production function is NOT neoclassical. Cambridge Journal of Economics 42: 383-426.